One of
two things would occur: either he would enter upon the course pursued
by good governments, and the condition of his subjects would become
endurable, or he would persist in the errors of his predecessors, and
the Mediterranean provinces would in their turn demand their
independence.
At the worst, and as a last alternative, the Pope might retain the
city of Rome, his palaces and temples, his cardinals and prelates, his
priests and monks, his princes and footmen, and Europe would
contribute to feed the little colony.
Rome, surrounded by the respect of the universe, as by a Chinese wall,
would be, so to speak, a foreign body in the midst of free and living
Italy. The country would suffer neither more nor less than does an old
soldier from the bullet which the surgeon has left in his leg.
But will the Pope and the Cardinals easily resign themselves to the
condition of mere ministers of religion? Will they willingly renounce
their political influence? Will they in a single day forget their
habits of interfering in our affairs, of aiming princes against one
another, and of discreetly stirring up citizens against their rulers?
I much doubt it.
But on the other hand, princes will avail themselves of the lawful
right of self-defence. They will read history, and they will there
find that the really strong governments are those which have kept
religious authority in their own hands; that the Senate of Rome did
not grant the priests of Carthage liberty to preach in Italy; that the
Queen of England and the Emperor of Russia are the heads of the
Anglican and Russian religions; and they will see that by right the
sovereign metropolis of the churches of France should be in Paris.
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